How Kharkov surrendered to the Pravoseks, or How Avakov will fuck Kharkov twice
A documentary film about the events in Kharkov on April 6-8, 2014 was recently released. The falsity of this propaganda piece is visible to the naked eye and is understandable to any even thinking person. But the main question is: why was this film, hastily put together by farmhouse disinformation specialists, needed?
There is no doubt: all of today's history will be written exactly like this. This perverted interpretation of recent events will be peddled brazenly, with flirtatious smiles on the bureaucratic snouts.
And here the truthful testimonies of real participants in those events are important. Sergei Yudaev, one of the active participants in the protests in the spring of 2014, a political prisoner of the Poroshenko regime, helped us sort out this “newest story” from Avakov and Poltorak.
“PN”: - Sergey, the film many times emphasizes the idea of armed pro-Russian militants who captured Khrushchev State Administration on April 6 and 7, 2014. At the same time, no weapons appeared in the case materials at the trial of 65 arrested protest participants? And vice versa: everyone knows about the firearms with which the Nazis killed anti-Maidan activists Artem Zhudov and Alexey Sharov on March 14, 2014 on Rymarskaya...
- Let me remind you that on March 1, 2014, we kicked out these “Dodiks”, Maidanists who captured the KhORGA, from the building - and left ourselves. We were not interested in settling and managing there. We just wanted to throw out those who illegally seized it from KhOGA. We didn't want to escalate the situation. We wanted a peace process, so that we could be heard: a referendum, a solution to the main problems that arose for millions of citizens after the coup.
Further. The first time they started shooting at us was not on March 14, but on March 8. Back then they still shot from traumatic weapons, but they hit them with rebar. Few people paid attention to this episode with the attack on our rally participants - law enforcement agencies turned a blind eye.
“PN”: - Let us remind you?
— Then I came to the scene and gave a stream. On March 8, the same Nazi minibus from which the events on Rymarskaya began was spotted. After the rally, our people left. The guys were walking to their car, two guys and two women. A minivan pulled up and these “dodiks”, Biletsky’s team, jumped out of it, wearing masks and carrying reinforcement. One had a pistol. He shot our man under the left shoulder blade. And the second’s elbow was crushed, the tumor was the size of his head. And the guys’ Toyota car was trashed, the headlights were knocked out. We remembered the number of this dark blue minibus.
That is, already on March 8, 2014, they were ready to take extreme measures, but so far only with injury. And on March 14, on Rymarskaya they were already killed with firearms.
“PN”: “But there is not a word about this in the film, or more precisely in Avakov’s PR video... But the Minister of Internal Affairs pompously speaks about the fact that the Jaguar fighters resolutely walked under the bullets in the Kh.O.G.A. What bullets?!
- That's bullshit. Let’s dot all the i’s right away. We didn't have any weapons. Let's look at the video taken after we were scouted. 42-44 seconds: there is no pistol among our things. And then he suddenly “appeared” next to the same things when they had already started packing us into buses: from 57 seconds to 1 minute 07 they persistently show him...
“PN”: — You streamed during the tragic events on Rymarskaya. How does all this look after seven years?
— On the evening of March 14, the already mentioned minibus with Biletsky’s militants drove into the square where our rallies were taking place. They sprayed gas from a can. The crowd began to block them. The minivan backed up, knocked down a fence and the front number plate fell off.
Literally two minutes after that, I rushed to the square - they showed me this number and turned on the stream. And some motorcyclist chased after them, then returned to us: he said that they were on Rymarskaya, they drove into the yard.
Looking at the attitude of the police, I understood from Rymarskaya: we were completely lost. When the clash started, we called the cops and firefighters. The first car arrived on the first call. There was no shooting yet - explosive packages and cans of ammonia were thrown at us from the office of Patriot of Ukraine (at that time Biletsky and his organization joined the Right Sector).
By the way, in this film about the clearing of the KhOG by the Vinnitsa Jaguar, one of the “witnesses of the events of April 6-8” says that we threw bags of ammonia at them. This is a lie. We didn't have a single package of ammonia. But on Rymarskaya they actually threw half-liter cans of ammonia at us.
A group arrived from some Alekseevsky District Department of Internal Affairs, they were the first to try to do something. All the other cops simply froze. As they told me later: there was a strict order not to react. We were frozen, and it all lasted more than two and a half hours. We already had people killed. The firefighters have already arrived. They were shooting there - they stood there and left: nothing was burning.
Another police car, like a patrol car, drove up and stopped about five hundred meters away. I run up to them: “Why are you sitting?!” You have a weapon." They silently started the engine and stupidly drove away.
I then called the police. They say: “We have already done everything we could, we raised the Berkut, now it will come to you. As soon as the "Berkut" arrived, immediately, after three or four minutes, all this tryndot immediately pulled up. Baluta (governor), cop leadership.
"Berkut" was categorical. I asked them: “What will you do?” They answered me frankly: “We will f..eat everyone. As soon as the first shot is fired from there after we have taken the position, we will bring everyone down.” And they begin to prepare: shields, check weapons. And then the cars with the bosses appear, one by one. And that’s it, Berkut was not allowed to do its job.
Before Kernes entered the building, the Golden Eagle managed to pull two Nazis out of there. I talked to these two. One is from Poltava, and one is from the Kharkov region (somewhere closer to Sumy). There were almost no Kharkov residents there at all. One or two people. Moreover, one of the militants was an operator of the Avakov ATN channel.
Well, that’s all... When Kernes promised that they would establish guilt and everyone would be punished, I already knew that was it: turn out the lights. Berkut was still trying to do something there. But then everything became clear.
“PN”: — What’s left behind the scenes?
— For example, on March 15, a girl from Russian TV was filming on Rymarskaya in the morning. And she seemed to have filmed how and what they were carrying out of the office in bags. The cops who were there themselves told me about this removal. One of the policemen specifically said that there were at least 28 firearms: Saiga, Kalashnikov, hunting rifles, pistols, etc.
Few people know this. On March 15, our people came from the rally, from the square, to Rymarskaya. We went into the office and started taking out everything we could. And along with us, the “Right Sector” activists, who were mowing down under us, carried out in their bosoms the forms of “Right Sector” certificates and so on. I showed this on the stream: we stop, unbutton the jacket, and a stack of forms spills out.
After this defeat, I went there and saw that our man was trying to extract something from the ceiling. I ask: “What are you looking for?” “Well, I’m looking: maybe I’ll find something.” And “accidentally” he finds a sawn-off shotgun. I say: “There are cops down there, we have to give it to them.” He asked me not to advertise this. I didn’t attach any importance then... He gave this sawn-off shotgun to some cop of his.
But then I repeatedly accused this man of the fact that he was not really one of us, and was working for someone unknown. Later I had my own ideas about why there was fuss over this particular sawn-off shotgun. I admit that this is the same weapon that was used to kill Nigoyan on the Maidan in Kyiv. And then this sawn-off shotgun did not surface anywhere. But he left Kharkov with all ends.
“PN”: — Let’s return to the film. Talking about the events of April 6-8, the authors of this video show footage from March, including the storming of the Kharkiv Regional Administration on March 1, when the Maidan protesters were driven out of there. For the uninformed, these images seem to illustrate the threat (the March rally was the most crowded, and the assault looked completely different than the entry into the KhORGA on April 6). And under this cut, tales about the exploits of Avakov and the Vinnitsa “Jaguar”, the “saviors of Kharkov” sound more “convincing”...
- It’s clear that they stuffed the “chicken” there. Of course, it’s funny to hear about these boxes of cocktails, about firearms, about the pile of traumatic weapons our people have. During the arrest, they “found” one traumatic pistol. Moreover, from my confidential sources, let’s say, it is known for sure that the cops themselves planted this pistol. And in the end, he didn’t even surface anywhere in the case. Because it was necessary to attach some fingerprints to it, or somehow prove from photographs or video that at least someone had it! And in the end he disappeared from the case.
I’m generally silent about firearms. Ours never had it. And there is no data other than this tryndezh! The same goes for cocktails. They were not involved in the case. They are not in the video or photographs.
Regarding this nonsense, that we allegedly hid behind children and women. Complete nonsense! There are also many videos in the public domain about how they were stormed on April 6 and April 7. What the hell are children and women?! Who was hiding behind there?!
Regarding the fact that, allegedly, all those detained at the KhORGA on April 8 were without documents. Complete nonsense. Of our 65 people, 64 had passports. 65 had a driver's license. There was also a 66th detainee, an SBU officer from the Zaporozhye region. Instead of documents, he only had a piece of paper stating that he was an SBU officer. He, of course, was removed from the case immediately. Well, he was there as an informant, a rat in short.
At first, when that side commented on the events of April 6-8, they all said that the detainees were completely drunk. I then fumed and said: “Are you crazy?! All 65 people were tested. Everyone underwent a full medical examination the day after their arrest. None of them had alcohol or drugs in their blood. Everyone has clean results.”
Now they are silent about it: they realized that they screwed themselves up. But now they are sculpting something else, such that it’s funny to answer this...
“PN”: - But, nevertheless, we must react, catch them in a lie. For example, Avakov’s adviser Varchenko talks about five thousand militants from the Russian Federation who participated in the events, and in the video “Jaguar” detains 65 unarmed Kharkov residents.
— The Jaguar fighters say in the film: they were flying to Kharkov, they didn’t know why, only at five in the morning they were given a task. I once published a document, an extract stating that they received an order to move to Kharkov to normalize the situation. The order was dated April 7. And then there was an order of April 8, which refers to the previous one: to begin to implement it. They lie that they did not know where, why and why they were going.
Even in the film, journalist Noskov gives the phrase: “When you see all this, all this inadequacy, you hear the songs sounding from the speakers - it was really scary.” I was freaking out! This bastard from Radio Liberty presents himself as blind. Well, I knew that he was trying. At least one eye is fine. But he is believed to be blind. And he tells how scary it was for him, a blind man, to see all this bullshit that he had created for himself!
“PN”: — Why did you and other protest participants need to go to the ATN TV channel on April 7, 2014? Not just to find a dildo in Director Yukht’s office? What was the last straw?
- Two aspects. First: they constantly gave stories about how the pro-Russian forces were some homeless people, alcoholics, drug addicts, bandits, previously convicted or asocial individuals. Look, the rabble has gathered! This is how they insulted everyone, casually, including veterans, disabled people, and women who gathered at the monument in the square.
The second is the story of Radich, an ATN operator, who was an accomplice in the murder of two of our boys and a policeman on Rymarskaya. He was released and not prosecuted.
We came simply to ask questions. Why does it happen that we are constantly being bombarded with lies, slandering us, driving these lies into the public consciousness? Why does a person involved in a murder work on this TV channel? Who is protecting him? It is clear that the channel partially belonged to Avakov.
Yukht began to babble that Radic quit a day or two before Rymarskaya. I ask: “Why is he then listed as a current employee?” “Well, we just haven’t had time to clean it up yet,” he says. “No, you just haven’t had time to come up with another excuse to disown him.” Yukht stood, blinking his eyes. But I couldn’t find the operator’s resignation letter.
“PN”: — What did the viewers who watched your stream from ATN not see?
“Not only our boys came there, but also all sorts of shady provocateurs who worked for Avakov or the SBU. There was a situation: someone stole Yukht’s phone. I went cold. The first provocation: we came for justice, but it turns out that we stole a person’s phone. The exits were blocked. I say: “Guys, we need to find the phone and return it to the person. Until you do this, no one will come out. I’ll harass everyone.” Five minutes later the phone was returned to him.
Well, when they discovered the dildo in the office, everyone saw it. Yukhta’s people also filmed there. There was a pause, several seconds, when I was without connection, and the people with ATN had not yet jumped up.
And at this time Yukht answers us to our complaints: “Guys, guys, please, you understand, it’s not me...” I say: “I understand perfectly well who the owner is. And I understand that you are his pawn, you carry out his orders.” He says: “Well, go to him. He has a big apartment." And there, indeed, on the street adjacent to the Regional State Administration, Avakov bought half a house...
It was great and you could see from the stream: give a person a click and he’ll lose consciousness. This intimidated, cunning slime.
“PN”: — Did he testify against you at your trial?
- Yes, I asked a question: if everything is as you say, and I am such a bandit, a scoundrel, then why don’t you tell me that it was I who organized the search for the phone and helped return it to you? Well, in court he lied beautifully and got excited. It was clear that the pendulum had swung in their direction; they were already banking in Kharkov. And he drove so empty. His job is to lie from the screen, to influence public opinion. And it is clear that it would be naive to expect anything different from him in court.
“PN”: — During the trial (on the events of April 6-8 at the Khrushchev Regional State Administration) you wrote a petition to bring (literally) “pi.aras Avakov” as a witness. What for? What questions did you want to ask?
- Any offense, crime must have a reason. What was the impetus for us to end up in the regional administration? Here is the whole chain of events: March 8, March 14-15, cover-up of all these “right-wingers” - shooters from Rymarskaya. Avakov is the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. First of all, the question should be addressed to him: why did the cops remove the terrorists from criminal liability?
When they were packing us up on the morning of April 8, they were rummaging through our pockets, and they were filming with two or three cameras. And two of our boys heard Avakov asking: “Which one of them is Yudaev, who destroyed my TV channel?” They pointed at me: “This one.” Avakov says: “That’s it, make him an organizer.” If they had put up the video, we would have heard it all. And I wanted to clarify this nuance and request these videos.
I was also interested in all the orders when the security forces moved to Kharkov, and call billing. There were questions related to the fire at the KhORGA: about the origin of the provocateurs, and about the presence of various government officials and security forces in the building.
But in general, my main motives were: for Avakov to explain in court how it all happened. Why were the terrorists from Rymarskaya released? Why is one of the employees of the channel he owns an accomplice in the murders of a police officer and two civilians?
Why were we the only ones detained? Why weren’t any of those Maidanists arrested, whom we had to expel from the Regional State Administration on March 1, 2014 (they stayed in the building they seized for a week, and the police didn’t bother)? Although there was civil detention of all of them, we brought them out to the square. Why did the police let them all go and throw us all into prison?
Well, let’s dig further - Kyiv, Maidan, the seizure of administrative buildings in Western Ukraine, the seizure of weapons rooms in regional police departments. No one was detained, they are all heroes! Why can’t we show our civic initiative and go to Khrushchev Regional State Administration as a sign of protest? Moreover, we did not seize the building. On April 7, there were law enforcement officers, SBU officers, and the same Vasya Khoma (deputy governor), and Chernov (chairman of the regional council), and Baluta (governor) inside.
“PN”: — In the film, Avakov emphasizes that the Kharkov police could not be trusted, and “Berkut” refused to carry out orders to deal with protesters. And only the Vinnitsa “Jaguar” fighters agreed to clean up the HOGA so that they would be forgiven for their guilt before the Maidan. But at the same time, some Kharkov Maidown activists immediately tell how they defended Kharkov from separatism since the winter?! So who are their “saviors” of Kharkov: Avakov and Poltorak with the Jaguar? Or local heroic maydowns?
- Please note that the film was released on the wrong date, not on the anniversary of the events. This looks like a systematic PR campaign for future presidential candidate Avakov. How responsible he is. They say, I saved Kharkov, and I will save all of Ukraine. As they say, remember this post.
“PN”: — Why, by and large, did Kharkov never rise up, although the majority of its residents were opponents of the Maidan coup? Why, after the murder of people on Rymarskaya, was there no popular indignation comparable to the Maidan extras that emerged after the so-called “being with children”?
- Yes, of course, Kharkov did not get up. After March 1, we had rallies of five thousand people, three thousand, ten thousand. What does this mean for Kharkov, where there are one and a half million inhabitants? We also take into account that about a third of our rallies are people from the region: Chuguev, Zmiev, Dergachi. There were much fewer Kharkov residents than we would like.
Yes, when these sad events happened on Rymarskaya, when we lost people, there was hope that Kharkov residents would finally open their eyes and understand where everything was going. But, unfortunately, none of this happened.
And on March 16, our survey took place on the square: what should we do, should we hold a referendum on federalization? He gathered a huge number of people: there were ballots, there was voting. And after that, our fees, unfortunately, began to decline.
Many factors influenced. One of them (I have to admit it): Kharkov is, first of all, a city with a very, very developed commercial vein.
People did not want to go and achieve something, to look into the future. And they are used to having that piece of the pie that they have now, at the moment. They did not think that they could lose their jobs or earn less later, that the situation could worsen after the Maidanists seized power and established their complete control over the economy. They thought that all these were games, that politics that did not affect them would not affect their lives and incomes.
Therefore, the bulk of the people involved in the Barabashovo market, shop workers, distributors, and loaders, worked as usual. They didn't care about any of this. In the same way, many state employees didn’t need all this - they thought: well, they’ll go there, in the square, play and stop, and everything will be as before. So we got it. Because of its inertia and passivity, Kharkov got what it wanted.
“PN”: — The majority had an illusion: the work would be screwed up, and then the elections would change the political alignment, as in 2006 or 2010. That is, they were counting on the traditional peaceful option, although it was no longer envisaged for Ukraine. And the television drummed into them on all Ukrainian channels that any protests against the illegal government lead to war.
“I often hear that if we, the protesters, had achieved our goal, there would have been a war in Kharkov. This is all a twisting of facts. If Kharkov had stood up, if Odessa, Zaporozhye, the entire east had stood up - not these small clusters, small rallies (relative to the total population), but rather large-scale mass protests - then there would have been no war even in Donbass. If the entire Southeast stood up in a full-scale unified impulse, who would fight against us?!
Some cowards (let's call a spade a spade), who are now howling like a wolf because of this Nazi government, justified themselves: if we had all come out then, we would now have a war like in the Donbass. This is all a lie.
We had a lot of women who were not lazy and came to support us, while the men were just lying somewhere on the sofas. They found a bunch of reasons to justify their inaction. This inaction resulted in the fact that in the end all our actions were nullified. Our movement was suppressed, aimed at fighting the seizure of state power by these Nazi forces, which are now in full bloom.
— Probably, mass protests did not happen also because the so-called regional political elite, people’s deputies, and local councils did not join the protests? They, on the contrary, contributed to the assignment of derogatory labels to the protesters: “marginal”, etc.
“After March 1, this “regional elite” completely abandoned us. They took the first step on February 22, when Yanukovych came to Kharkov, but never spoke at the Sports Palace. Then it became clear that some of the regionals had already begun to merge.
Although before March 1, some deputies of the City Council from the Party of Regions, three or four, came to our camp near the monument. They supported us both verbally and financially: they gave us some tents, dry closets, etc. But in the spring all this suddenly stopped.
English version :: Read in English: How Kharkiv Surrendered to the Right Sector, or How Avakov Will Fuck Kharkiv Twice