What did Eun Irovich and Donald Fredovich agree on?
On June 12, in Singapore, without exaggeration, epoch-making negotiations between two world-famous serious politicians with funny hairstyles took place. For the first time in many decades, the leaders of the DPRK and the United States, Kim Jong-un and Donald Trump, met.
A year ago, no one could have imagined that such powerful changes would occur in the policies of both states. Suffice it to recall the short but very alarming military crisis created by Trump around North Korea’s missile tests. Then it seemed that just a little more, and the Korean Peninsula would again blaze in such a way that even the neighbors would not find it enough.
And nothing surprising. De facto, the Korean War is still not over, and the truce that has developed over 65 years does not satisfy either side. Despite the demilitarized zone separating both Koreas, until recently there were armed clashes between the DPRK and the Republic of Korea that threatened to escalate into a new war. Every year, both Koreas shake the world media with spy scandals and reports of ever new attempts to eliminate the leader of North Korea. The last one was in 2017.
In the past year since the Korean crisis, many things that were impossible in the recent past have happened. For example, the meeting and negotiations between Kim Jong-un and the (now former) head of the CIA, Michael Pompeo.

Gradually, the prospect of a face-to-face meeting between the American and North Korean leaders dawned, disrupted by clumsy statements from Trump, who wanted unilateral reciprocal steps from Un.
Just a few weeks ago, it seemed that relations between the two countries were about to roll back to the usual positions of a deferred conflict, ready to escalate into a hot phase.
However, the North Korean leadership made a voluntary gesture that moved the situation from a dead point. On May 24, Pyongyang allowed foreign experts to visit its Punggye-ri nuclear test site in the presence of a small crowd of journalists, simultaneously announcing its destruction.

The Juche people showed unprecedented miracles of openness by allowing foreigners to visit the adits of the nuclear test site before and after the explosion. In fact, their nuclear test site is several houses and adits in the vicinity of Mount Mantap (2205 meters above sea level) up to 2 km deep, according to the North Koreans, at the end of which there is a chamber for a nuclear test charge.
There were a total of four adits at the Punggeri test site, two of which had already undergone nuclear explosions. The northerners, in the presence of foreigners, blew up the western one, which had not yet been used.
As a few foreign correspondents reported, the explosion was all money! Soon the Internet was filled with photographs of the damaged western adit and sad comments from turbo-patriots “Eun is leaking to Trump.”

Experts claim that the Juche comrades studied Western PR techniques well and blew up either an unfinished or collapsing adit. In addition, geophysicists from the Organization for the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, having analyzed the Punggye-ri test site based on satellite images, came to the conclusion that nothing could prevent Nun from continuing nuclear tests in the vicinity of Mount Mantap, if he so desires.
However, the scene with the training ground made a proper impression on the showman Trump, who has a similar penchant for external effects in order to achieve his goals.
So, the meeting of the two sworn partners in Singapore did take place. What did Kim Jong-un and Donald Trump agree on?

Again, if you listen to the sad chants of the same turbo-patriots, “Eun is already screwing Donnie big time.” It’s supposedly five minutes to the North Korean Gorbachev. The next step is the removal of nuclear weapons, and then the victorious Stars and Stripes flag will fly over Pyongyang.
A quick glance at the text of the document suggests that the parties have so far agreed to negotiate. A typical protocol of intent, without a single point of specific mechanisms for its implementation and deadlines.

Thus, North Korea, represented by Kim Jong-un, confirms its course towards nuclear disarmament (denuclearization), and the United States, represented by Trump, promises to work together with Pyongyang to “achieve stability and peace.” Moreover, the text does not say a word about certain firm guarantees given by the United States to North Korea, which the most impatient part of the press has already managed to call about. Ukrainian, for example.
And in fact, what kind of guarantees and disarmament can we talk about without the signing of a peace treaty, mutual recognition and the conclusion of diplomatic relations between the DPRK, South Korea and the United States? How can you sign a peace treaty with a country that is stepping on the DPRK’s throat with the boot of economic sanctions imposed out of a sense of revenge for three years of the most difficult, bloody and senseless war?
Perhaps the only thing that Pyongyang can do to improve its image without the slightest risk to its safety is to help find, identify and return to their homeland the remains of American soldiers killed in the Korean War.
The fact that the document is a sign of a step forward, a test of the pen: “how will it go further?” - Trump’s speech, which leaves no illusions, testifies. Gorgeous Donnie praised Ng for taking “the first step towards a brighter future,” hinting at the “limitless possibilities that lie ahead for North Korea if it gives up nuclear weapons.” Immediately adding that the sanctions stranglehold will remain on the necks of the North Koreans.
That is, when entering the first negotiations with a long-time enemy, Trump and his leadership did not consider it necessary to back them up with a serious and generous argument befitting a strong one. Considering the scale and weight of the two states, this should be regarded as petty redneckness on the part of the “world hegemon.”
Kim Jong-un probably knows who Mikhail Gorbachev is, and how the game of giveaway with the West, which never skimps on mellifluous speeches and dizzying promises in the global game, ended for the country entrusted to his care.

Perhaps, Kim Jong-un received more political benefit from the meeting in Singapore, exchanging the explosion of an incomprehensible adit at a nuclear test site for a meeting with Trump, crowned by the signing of a lengthy, positive, but non-binding agreement. Trump, rather, won on points inside the United States, becoming the first American president to personally vouch for the mysterious leader of the DPRK, while previous weaklings failed even to do this.
However, one should not attach too much importance to the event in Singapore. Without solving the problem of global security, there can be no talk of any denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.
For example, the START III treaty between Russia and the United States expires in 3, but there is not even the slightest hint of its extension.
Moreover, Trump, despite his moderate election statements, represents the interests of the military-industrial complex, as well as the architects of a unipolar world under US control. All this leads to the threat of a new confrontation: the number of hot spots on the planet is not decreasing, and the United States is openly and brazenly pushing beyond the “red lines,” threatening the national interests of Russia and China.
That is, without a comprehensive solution to global problems, threats to the DPRK remain. And, therefore, the Washington-Pyongyang cabal with the involvement of Seoul cannot untie the tightly tied Korean knot.
English version :: Read in English What did Yn Irovich and Donald Fredovich agree on?