Who is making the “Russian Spring” in Donetsk: Where did the leaders of the uprising come from?
Donetsk - Kyiv, May 01 (Navigator, Sergey Buntovsky) - The anti-government uprising in Donetsk is rapidly forming new leaders, many of whom were not previously involved in politics or were not known to the general public. Who are these people? Journalist Sergei Buntovsky, head of the Donetsk city organization of the Russian Bloc, talks about this in his column for Navigator.
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...Mass protests in the South-East of Ukraine, called “Russian Spring”, came as a huge surprise to everyone. Including for the participants themselves.
For a long time, the political field of Donbass was completely cleared. The Party of Regions completely dominated, the Communist Party of Ukraine existed as a junior partner and allowed opposition, plus a few activists of the Russian Bloc party were active. Other political forces in the region existed only nominally.
However, it must be admitted that the Donetsk residents themselves did not have any particular need for parties, nor did they have a desire to participate in politics. By and large, political issues were left to “our” elite so that they could mind their own business.
The events of the Kyiv Euromaidan were perceived as something hostile, distant and not directly affecting us. Until the very end, we believed that Yanukovych would restore order. When the president fled and the Party of Regions essentially capitulated, Donbass fell into prostration for a week. Few people understood what needed to be done, but many had a desire to at least somehow counteract the new “power.” Well, since our “leaders” betrayed us, and the deputies of local councils disappeared, then, naturally, the search began for someone who could take responsibility for what was happening.
It was at this time that Pavel Gubarev appeared. By and large, it is impossible to call him a new face in Donetsk politics, since he very actively participated in many events in the city, starting from the beginning of the 2006s. In XNUMX, he was even elected to the district council. However, in the middle of the last decade, Gubarev left politics for business, promising that as soon as he earned his first million, he would return. We had to return a little earlier. After Yanukovych fled, Gubarev announced the creation of the People's Militia of Donbass, which he called on all concerned residents of the region to join.
On March XNUMX, a rally organized by representatives of local authorities took place in Donetsk. Such a number of people have not gathered at street protests since the Orange Revolution. Moreover, the vast majority came on their own initiative. Obviously, the organizers wanted to give the people the opportunity to “let off steam,” but Gubarev literally burst onto the stage, surrounded by a dozen guys. Having received the microphone, he completely broke the script of the event, calling for the creation of people's power in the field, the resignation of officials who recognized the Rada and the Maidan, and then for a referendum that should determine the status of Donbass: whether it should be an autonomy, an independent state, or ask to be part of Russia. He also stated the need to take power exclusively peacefully and proposed setting up a tent city near the regional administration.
His words were supported by the people, and from the crowd they offered to elect Pavel “the people’s governor.” The idea was liked by those gathered, and the thirty-year-old entrepreneur received this title. This is how the young businessman, father of three children, became the face of the Donetsk protest. A very active, sincere, slightly harsh Gubarev gave impetus to protests that have not stopped since March XNUMXst.
Two days later, activists of the Donbass People's Militia occupied the regional council building. And three days later, Pavel was arrested and taken to Kyiv. Through the efforts of the media, Gubarev was created with the image of a separatist, although his main idea was to restore in the Donbass the true values characteristic of this region. As a historian, Pavel understands the absurdity of what is happening and cannot come to terms with the implantation of alien ideals and openly fascist ideas. After his arrest, Gubarev became a symbol for all those who disagree with the actions of the new government.
Despite the arrest of the leader, protests in the city did not stop. New people appeared on the stage and led the people behind them. Soon the SBU and the regional state administration were captured, and then the creation of the Donetsk People's Republic (DPR) was proclaimed.
The DPR Council now includes three dozen people of various social statuses from several cities in the region. By the way, the name “Donetsk Republic” itself did not arise by chance. During the Civil War, there was such a state as the Donetsk-Krivoy Rog Republic. In addition, during Yushchenko’s presidency, there was a public organization in Donetsk called “Donetsk Republic”. It was dissolved by a court decision as separatist, its leader Alexander Tsurkan died, but the very idea and symbolism of this structure were remembered by the people of Donetsk.
The “Russian Spring” in Donbass began spontaneously, and it is not surprising that on the wave of general activity, a good dozen organizations arose, trying to lead tens of thousands of Donetsk residents taking to the streets. Since different organizations taking part in protests see what is happening differently, certain contradictions and misunderstandings inevitably arise between them, which, fortunately, can be resolved.
Now in the Donetsk protest two wings can be distinguished, which can be roughly called moderates and radicals. The first, whose leaders are Natalia Bilotserkovskaya and Artem Olkhin, consider it necessary to use non-violent actions to transform Ukraine into a federation, where Donbass will have the right to its own humanitarian and financial policies. And the latter are determined to completely separate Donbass from the country that has become completely alien to them.
Who are the people who became the leaders of the Donetsk resistance? It is very difficult to give any simple answer to this question, because the composition of the asset is as diverse as the Donbass itself. There are representatives of almost all social classes and nationalities, although people aged 30-40 predominate.
A successful entrepreneur, Natalia Bilotserkovskaya, who heads the local branch of the Russian Bloc party, has been active in political work for many years.
In her previous “pre-revolutionary” life, the coordinator of the DPR press center, Ekaterina Mikhailova, was a journalist for one of the leading newspapers in the region. Her journey to the barricades began when she and her friend simply went to bring food to the protesters. “The next day, when committees began to be formed, they called me as a journalist and offered to enter the press center of the Donetsk People’s Republic. I agreed because now everyone must do what they can to rid their homeland of the power of the fascist junta,” she says. When asked if she was afraid to participate in what was happening, Ekaterina honestly admitted that in the first days, when there was a real danger of an assault, it was scary. “But I asked myself, weren’t people scared in XNUMX?” – she shares her method of dealing with fear.
The head of the secretariat of the coordination center of the social movement “South-East”, Alexander Kofman, sees his task as moving the protest into the most legal framework possible. “I always told my son that there are no worse traitors and enemies of Ukraine than Ukrainian nationalists. When this abscess burst in Kyiv, I consider it dishonest to remain aloof from what is happening,” he said.
Evgeniy drives a solid jeep, a brand new iPhone in his hand, and a massive gold chain around his neck. At thirty, he has two higher educations and is firmly on his feet. His name was never spoken at rallies, and his face was never included in the footage, but, nevertheless, it was he and people like him, representatives of the middle class, who did everything to prevent the storming of the Regional State Administration occupied by protesters from taking place. He brought supplies to the protesters, and on the first, most difficult nights, when an assault was expected, he and his friends were on duty under the walls of the building. “I was completely apolitical. I happened to attend a rally once in March. When I got home, I looked at the news and was amazed at the lies that were being spread by the Ukrainian media. Thought about it. I went to the protest again and compared it with what the journalists wrote. The media lied again. I began to figure out what was happening in the country, what happened on the Maidan. As a result, he concluded that the government in the country was overthrown by force, and those who took the helm of state are threatening us, Donbass. I was very indignant at this and began to support the guys who are resisting the new government...”, he explains his position.
Miroslav Rudenko, thirty-year-old historian and local historian. He was one of the first to respond to Gubarev’s call, joined the Donbass People’s Militia and became an indispensable participant in all events. “I came to the barricades because the future of our region depends on my participation. We must protect him from Nazi aggression, from the establishment of Bandera’s ideology, and work to create a fair social system. I believe that our efforts will be crowned with success, and after the referendum we will be able to create a full-fledged Donetsk People's Republic, and then, uniting with other regions of the South-East, create Novorossiya - a new state entity that will meet the historical, cultural and spiritual characteristics of the inhabitants of this region of the former Ukraine, destroyed as a result of an armed coup in Kyiv,” he says.
According to Miroslav, activists “it’s too late to be afraid. All the same, there is no other way out but to participate in the resistance.”
History teacher Artem Olkhin wrote on his social network page: “Now there can only be one type of mobilization - mobilization under the Russian flag. We are Russians, and stop being afraid to say it out loud.” He did not welcome the seizure of buildings and does not advocate the separation of one region, but for the unification into one subject of all regions of historical Novorossiya and Slobozhanshchina within the framework of the federal state. According to him, “the new authorities, having overthrown Yanukovych, are building real neo-Nazism in the country. “There is pressure on all activists. My mother was threatened that if I did not remove my articles from the Internet, I would be blacklisted and would not be given the opportunity to teach.” However, Artem is confident that the efforts of the new European integrators will be fruitless. “The first experience of European integration fell under the ice of Lake Peipsi,” he jokes.
These are the participants in the Donetsk protests. Different in many ways, but united in their rejection of the policies pursued by the Maidan leaders.
English version :: Read in English Who is making the "Russian Spring" in Donetsk: Where did the leaders of the uprising come from?