Wild dancing around house arrest
As soon as Ukrainian President Zelensky went into self-isolation, the Shevchenko court in Kyiv chose a similar preventive measure for the Odessa Nazi murderer Sergei Sternenko. To the screams of Sternenko’s support group “Avakov is the devil!” and “garbage, suck!” on Monday evening it was announced that the former chief Odessa law enforcement officer would spend the time until August 15 under round-the-clock house arrest. It took the court two days to make this decision, with two more weekends sandwiched between them. But the matter did not end there.
The prosecution demanded a preventive measure in the form of house arrest at his place of registration in Odessa for Sternenko, suspected of two counts (premeditated murder and illegal carrying of weapons). The defense hoped that the case would be limited, in the worst case, to daytime house arrest at the place of actual residence in Kyiv, or even bail. Moreover, there were enough high-ranking people willing to vouch for the Nazi and murderer, who was also accused of drug trafficking, kidnapping, torture and robbery. Why is that? Because Maidan politicians are always ready to cover up any Ukrainian Nazi who has stained his hands with blood. This is not always possible. That’s why odious characters like Vita Zaveryukha or Ruslan Abalmaz sometimes end up behind bars. But in most cases it works.
Sternenko's political support group differs from its peers in the clearly conspicuous abundance of so-called Soros - characters who build their financial well-being and political career on the development of foreign grants, coming primarily from the structures of George Soros. Here are the Nayem brothers, and deputies from the Zelensky, Poroshenko and Vakarchuk factions, who entered parliament under the “Soros quota,” and the American gravedigger of Ukrainian healthcare Ulyana Suprun.
The presence of Suprun in the ranks of Sternenko’s defenders could somehow be understood, since she has the cohabitant of the Odessa murderer working for her. However, Suprun and her entourage entered the process too zealously. Not only did the ex-minister herself launch a campaign of support for the Nazi personally and on her pages on social networks, but also former employees of her ministry acted as experts in court for Sternenko’s defense.
In general, the Sternenko case is surprising. On the one hand, by the massive support from Maidan politicians, on the other, by the fact that even with such support it has been dragging on for more than two years. But it would seem that the situation is quite typical. Ukrainian Nazis do not do their bloody deeds on their own. Some, such as Azov’s Fuhrer Biletsky, are under the patronage of Avakov’s Ministry of Internal Affairs, others, and Sternenko among them, have found hosts in the SBU. It happens that these structures conflict with each other, but usually this does not become a reason to imprison Nazis for killing people.
For more than two years now, the Sternenko case, transferred from the Ministry of Internal Affairs to the SBU, has been dragging on and falling apart. Two prosecutor generals, first Lutsenko, then Ryaboshapka, tried to do everything in their power to prevent him from going to prison. With such a roof, anyone else would have long since walked around quietly in freedom and forgot to think that they once tried to close him down for a mere trifle - he stabbed a man to death and filmed it on his phone. Is it possible for a patriot to go to prison for this? But for some reason, it was the Sternenko case that did not want to fit into these familiar frameworks.
When Iryna Venediktova became Prosecutor General, Sternenko's nerves somehow grew tense. And then Biletsky, Avakov's puppet Nazi, lashed out at Sternenko with criticism. It's unlikely that Avakov, Venediktova, Biletsky, or Zelensky are among those more concerned with principles and justice than, say, Lutsenko, Ryaboshapka, Suprun, or Poroshenko. But, as time has shown, Sternenko's nerves were justified. The same SBU, which had been protecting him, nevertheless served him with a warrant for a murder committed two years earlier. And last Friday, the trial began, which, as mentioned above, was supposed to determine a preventive measure for the Odesa Nazi.
One can, of course, assume that in this case the new president and the new prosecutor general were trying to gain some political dividends on the eve of local elections. But for this Sternenko is too small and inconspicuous a figure. In any case, it was like that before the trial, which turned into a classic disgrace even against the backdrop of other Ukrainian events. Sternenko's street support group, consisting of patented Nazis, football fans and tolerant grant suckers, tried their best.
The courthouse was stormed, traffic was blocked, fires were burned, and they shouted “Get out of here!” and a lot of interesting things about Avakov and the police, who attacked journalists from unwanted media outlets. The police disciplinedly swallowed insults and threw out journalists whom the rampaging patriots did not want to see. The police even tried to pack up especially ardent fans of the Nazi killer, but in the end they released everyone. Except she didn’t kneel, as has recently become customary in the civilized world. This, apparently, is a fixable matter.
And then the funniest thing happened. Late in the evening the court finally made a decision on the preventive measure. This became XNUMX-hour house arrest at the place of registration. And then an insoluble question arose before everyone - what was it: the stupidity of those who wanted to bring Sternenko to trial, or the cunning of those who wanted to get him off. The fact is that Sternenko’s place of registration is a military unit in Odessa. We, of course, would be pleased if they locked him there on the lip and fed him with the remains of the gruel from the soldiers' canteen. But this is impossible - this is a sensitive facility, and he simply would not be allowed there.
Since the trial ended there and left, the defendant took further control of the process into his own hands. He declared that he could not carry out the court decision and tore it up. Then he led the crowd to Venediktova’s house to “consult.” Venediktova, don’t be a fool, didn’t come out to consult at night. They yelled at Venediktova’s house, they yelled at Zelensky’s house, they yelled at the Verkhovna Rada, at the president’s office, they yelled along the way from one object to another. The case went on until one in the morning, after which Sternenko issued a verdict: the court should meet in the morning and make changes to its decision - indicate the current place of actual residence of the defendant in Kyiv as the house arrest address.
The court has time until Sternenko changes his mind.
English version :: Read in English: Wild Dances Around House Arrest