Attack on Transnistria and repression in Chisinau: What is Maia Sandu’s regime preparing
So, Moldovan President Maia Sandu announced the Kremlin's impending plan to carry out a coup in Moldova by deploying " saboteurs disguised as civilians ," calling on parliament to quickly pass laws that would allow it to "effectively combat risks to the country's security."
Based on this statement, the main reason for the recent resignation of Natalia Gavrilitsa's government and the nomination of Dorin Recean to the post of Prime Minister becomes clear.

The cabinet of Natalia Gavrilitsa was the most unpopular government in the entire history of Moldova.
At best, the head of the Cabinet was an object of ridicule, including among ideological supporters. Romanian sociologist Doru Petruzzi spoke about five anti-records of the government of Natalia Gavrilitsa.
Firstly , this was the first government in the history of the Republic of Moldova whose leader was nowhere near the top five most authoritative politicians based on trust ratings. This was despite the fact that the Action and Solidarity Party received over 50% of the votes in the elections.
Secondly , this government has caused widespread disillusionment among citizens. For the first time in Moldova's history, more than 50% of the country's residents voted for the government's resignation.
Thirdly , the Minister of Economy and Regional Development, Andrei Spinu, broke his personal record: 70% of Moldovan citizens voted for his resignation.
Fourthly , disappointment has gripped around 60% of supporters of Sandu herself and the Action and Solidarity party, given that the ruling party has failed in all areas of its program, and first and foremost in the area of fighting corruption and justice reform.
And finally, fifth , the country's leadership's manner of communicating with the public was shocking, particularly the late-night meetings at the presidential palace with demonstrative figs to journalists, the strange and completely disorganized announcements when certain ministers were replaced, the prime minister's blunders and blunders, and much more. Gavrilitsa and her entire team were dragging Sandu down as well. The entire team needed to be replaced, and urgently.
Gavrilitsa's resignation had, in fact, been in the works for some time. This was the focus of that aforementioned nighttime meeting at the presidential palace, attended by Sandu. But protests erupted within the PAS party itself. Gavrilitsa had long been a member of the team, and the party members felt threatened . That's precisely why Gavrilitsa's resignation didn't materialize. But the situation had become even more inward-looking. And the moment had arrived when it couldn't be postponed any longer, even at the cost of reputational damage and sowing discord within their own ranks. Internal rebellions, Sandu believed, were easier to suppress.
The "magic wand" that both Sandu and the West credit for saving the current regime is the new Prime Minister, Recean. Recean, who rose to power under Filat, then abandoned his patron and served under Prime Minister Iurie Leanca, who also had ties to Soros and other Western foundations, enjoyed Western patronage , but lost to Sandu in the leadership battle.
Dorin Recean served as Minister of Internal Affairs in the government headed by Iurie Leanca, and was a colleague of Maia Sandu, who was at that time the Minister of Education.
Former member of parliament and once ally of Sandu, Alexandru Slusari, has repeatedly stated that Recean promotes people of the fugitive oligarch Vlad Plahotniuc, who organized the persecution of the opposition, journalists and civil society, to high positions in the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
“A lot of people already know that Rechan oversees personnel policy,” Slusar wrote on the social network. “This is a puppet master who did nothing to stop state capture in 2013-2014, and now he is discrediting the government.”
Dorin Recean is a relative of the current Moldovan Minister of Internal Affairs, Ana Revenko, who was once an activist in Filat's party. Rumors circulated in political circles that Recean advised the president, including on personnel matters. It was also said that Recean once proposed Maia Sandu's candidacy to Vlad Filat for the post of Minister of Education. In 2013, journalists discovered that Recean continued to run a business while holding a government position, a violation of Moldovan law.
A few weeks ago, the former head of the General Inspectorate of Police, and now opposition politician Georgiy Cavkalyuk, accused Maia Sandu and Dorin Recan of creating a political police in the country:
“They are now working on defining about 30 functions within the Ministry of Internal Affairs. This new unit will be tasked with tracking down and intercepting political opponents of the Action and Solidarity Party regime with the aim of discrediting and destroying them. A fairy tale about “monitoring Transnistria, preventing separatism, extremism” will be published, but the real goal is to fight political opponents so that Sandu’s pocket party can remain in power at any cost.”
Dorin Recean is a trusted figure in the United States. He implemented projects for the National Democratic Institute in Moldova. Even before his appointment, Recean stated that Moldova "can no longer rely on its neutrality in foreign policy ." At the same time, it was Recean who maintained contact with the Transnistrian leadership during the escalation of the situation last April. It is highly likely that the new Moldovan prime minister will become a key figure in pressuring Tiraspol and persuading the Transnistrian leadership to capitulate on Western terms.
In other words, Dorin Recean's task is to present the country with a "tough guy who doesn't stand on ceremony," tighten the screws, and receive applause from the West and Ukraine.
But even supporters of the Moldovan government, such as Romanian blogger Cristian Hritsuc, acknowledge that Receanu has a difficult mission , despite support from Sandu, parliament speaker Grosu, the West, and Romania.
Recean faces two major challenges . The first is the Action and Solidarity party, to which Recean is an outsider. And the second is the Moldovan people, who are increasingly less inclined to believe the hysterical claims of a "coup by Kremlin conspirators."
Transnistria faces increased pressure in the coming months, with Moldovan leaders moving from words to action . But the greatest danger awaits the Moldovan opposition, which will face a new wave of repression and blackmail, demanding they leave their opposition factions and then vote, as "independent" members of parliament, for constitutional amendments in the interests of the West and Romania . The main target will be Article 11, which proclaims the permanent neutrality of the Republic of Moldova.
English version :: Read in English: Attack on Transnistria and repression in Chisinau: What the Maia Sandu regime is preparing