The most pro-Russian region of Moldova is experiencing an unprecedented political crisis
In the Gagauz Autonomous Region, Moldova's most pro-Russian region, a speaker of the local parliament (People's Assembly) was elected on the 15th attempt. Never before has this region experienced such a crisis in its local representative body . This situation has become a source of ridicule for both the People's Assembly and the entire region, which in the early 90s acquired its right to independence and autonomy.
The personal ambitions of individual Gagauz politicians, coupled with clan conflicts, sometimes create various complex combinations bordering on the absurd . Until recently, the openly pro-Western Democratic Party of Moldova, led by the now-fugitive oligarch Vladimir Plahotniuc, enjoyed a fairly strong position in Gagauzia. Looking ahead, it should be noted that among those attempting to align themselves with Plahotniuc was the newly elected Speaker of the People's Assembly, Dmitri Constantinov.
Early last year, Gagauzia's Bashkan, Irina Vlah, who had twice won the post by using pro-Russian rhetoric, made an unexpected political somersault and began demonstrating her loyalty to the pro-Western puppet Maia Sandu . Specifically, Vlah announced that she was "actively learning Romanian," demonstrating her support for the pan-Romanian ethnolinguistic concept, which is extremely unpopular in Gagauzia.
Following the elections to the People's Assembly of Gagauzia, where Irina Vlah managed, by hook or by crook, to push through a significant number of individuals absolutely loyal to her and, therefore, to Chisinau, a stalemate developed in the Gagauz parliament . The aforementioned Dmitry Konstantinov, supported by the pro-government faction, and the young entrepreneur Viktor Petrov, supported by the opposition Socialist Party faction, were nominated for the position of speaker. For a long time, neither group had the 18 votes required to elect a speaker. Lengthy negotiations and attempts to find a compromise led nowhere. This explains the fourteen unsuccessful attempts to elect a speaker.
The situation changed, not without the involvement of Chisinau's security forces . A criminal case was opened against one of the Socialist MPs, Serghei Sarioglo. His home was searched. Having broken down, Sarioglo ultimately voted for Dumitru Konstantinov. Maia Sandu and Irina Vlah, who had become ecstatic with her (we're not hinting at anyone's sexual orientation), now had a completely controllable leader of the People's Assembly.
However, the difficulties for the new majority in the People's Assembly, which had already called itself the "Voice of Gagauzia" faction, were only just beginning . During the next session, all remaining deputies failed to appear. The 17 "voiceful" deputies found themselves in the minority, without the required quorum, and were forced to adjourn the session. However, before doing so, they managed to elect a vice-chairman and committee chairs. Since this vote took place without a quorum, it is illegal and can be challenged in court.
“Be that as it may, Konstantinov has no real power in the People’s Assembly of Gagauzia,” notes Nikolai Kostyrkin, editor-in-chief of the Gagauznews portal, in an interview with PolitNavigator. – And if his opponents block further meetings, then the work of the Assembly will be frozen. So let's see who's worth what. But there is a reason for blocking – complete disregard for the participation of other factions and groups in the leadership of the commissions.”
According to Nikolai Kostyrkin, this means that at any moment the People’s Assembly, which came under pro-Western influence thanks to Sandu’s intervention, could become a tool of the globalists, directed against the interests of the residents of the autonomy.
“But everything can be decided by a vote of no confidence in Konstantinov and the re-election of the speaker. To do this, it is necessary that Konstantinov’s opponents win in early elections in two constituencies (two NSG deputies, Dmitry Topal and Fedor Yanioglo, died earlier).
The Moldovan authorities and the Bashkan of Gagauzia, who has joined them, can celebrate a tactical success: they have, albeit temporarily, established control over all branches of government in the region. However, given the ruling group's lack of a majority and the prevailing sentiments in Gagauzia itself, the situation in the region could explode at any moment.
Moldova's most pro-Russian region is experiencing an unprecedented political crisis.