“Poroshenko does not want a meeting in the Normandy format: They will beat him”
Ukrainian politicians and media are lying about what is happening at the Minsk negotiations. Kyiv does not fulfill its obligations. Moreover, Petro Poroshenko began to avoid a meeting in the Normandy format, fearing severe pressure from the leaders of France and Germany.
After all, according to the approved agreements, after the disengagement of forces and assets in three areas, Kyiv is obliged to grant Donbass a special status and enshrine this status in the Constitution.
PolitNavigator columnist Valentin Filippov spoke with the LPR's "Minsk chief," the ironic and passionate, yet meticulous Vladislav Deinego, about the prospects of the Minsk process and the future of the People's Republics, the possibility of assuming part of the former Ukraine's foreign debt, and the fact that the world is on the threshold of global change.
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Valentin Filippov : You know what I was thinking? You represent the LPR in Minsk. But the people of Odesa don't have their own representatives, nor do Dnipropetrovsk, Mariupol, or Kherson. So, it turns out you still represent all of us, one way or another. Although, in general, we're not participants in all this…
Vladislav Deinego : Well, let's put it this way. Not yet.
Valentin Filippov : Not yet 🙂 Well, what's up? Hello, Vladislav.
Vladislav Deinego : Hello.
Valentin Filippov : The average person knows about what's happening in Minsk primarily from media reports. And what's most distressing is Kyiv's interpretation of what's happening. The Ukrainian side claims that the topic of the recent talks was as follows:
– You were strictly instructed to stop shelling,
– You were strictly instructed to withdraw your troops,
– You were strictly instructed to release the hostages,
And in general, they stopped terrorism and handed over the border to Ukraine...
Is this how it all happened?
Vladislav Deinego : Well, this is Darka Olifer on her Facebook page, as far as I understand.
She was nowhere near this video conference. She has a vague idea of what actually happened there. She writes what they did at home.
In reality, something different happens there.
First of all, Ukraine thwarted several attempts to separate forces and assets. From the first approach, we were able to carry out these measures on Zolotoye, but on Petrovsky and Stanitsa Luganskaya, the disengagement of forces and equipment did not take place. After this, the Ukrainian side began to hastily demand some kind of consultations, video conferences, and so on. I asked the OSCE to explain: actually, for what reasons?
The framework decision states that in the event of a violation by any of the parties, a meeting of the contact group may be convened on an emergency basis. And, in urgent cases, video conference.
So I ask the question: which of these cases happened? Who didn't do what? If we are talking about the Ukrainian side, then yes. They disrupted our schedule somewhat. But we have 30 days, based on this framework agreement, to complete all processes in each of these areas.
Signed on September 21, 30 days, that’s still plenty of time.
Were there any shellings? There is a criterion, shelling, the case of shelling when this is an obstacle to the disengagement of forces and means. These are attacks that last more than two hours or are repeated systematically throughout the day. That's what it says there.
I ask: were these circumstances? Have OSCE observers recorded such things? Does it show up somewhere in the reports? And who actually requested an emergency consultation?
Well, I haven’t heard anything intelligible from the OSCE.
Accordingly, this video conference did not take place.
Valentin Filippov : So, she didn’t exist after all?
Vladislav Deinego : No, the one Ukraine demanded in early October. It was absolutely pointless. Since we had a meeting scheduled for early October in Minsk, and trying to urgently discuss something via videoconference was much easier, it would have been much easier to meet in Minsk. There, the situation was dissected, and I never received any reasonable explanation as to the circumstances preventing the disengagement of forces and equipment in the remaining two areas.
After which the parties came to the conclusion that there were no objective prerequisites for not carrying out the disengagement of forces and assets in the first and third sections, Petrovskoye and Stanitsa Luganskaya.
Therefore, we must return to fulfilling our obligations. In accordance with the calendar plan. And according to the calendar plan, seven days of silence are required, after which the parties decide on the possibility of disengaging forces and assets.
Valentin Filippov : Oh, excuse me, seven days of silence. Is this seven days of silence determined by the OSCE?
Vladislav Deinego : Yes. It's clearly stated in the framework agreement; it's based on the results of OSCE monitoring that a conclusion is reached on the feasibility of beginning the disengagement of forces and equipment.
I insisted that the OSCE announce when and what kind of shelling took place, those that impede the disengagement of forces and equipment. That is, those that influence the assessment of this “silence”. These seven days. That is, from what day to start counting. The OSCE avoided a direct answer. Then we analyzed the OSCE reports, which were published on their official website, and saw that nothing was stopping us, there were no circumstances in these reports that prevented us from declaring our readiness on October 6 on October 7. Moreover, we were in Minsk on the fifth, we returned home on the sixth, and were immediately ready for the seventh.
We did it. They were ready on October 7th. But we stated our position right in Minsk that you will receive a notification on the sixth regarding readiness - at eleven o’clock in the morning on the seventh.
Ukraine said - well, maybe something like this, if there is something missing there. If the weather is good, we feel great, and so on, we are ready, maybe we will be ready to work at Petrovsky on the seventh, but Stanitsa Luganskaya is not. Stanitsa Luganskaya will be there on the ninth.
Actually, this is how this situation developed.
Ukraine raised hell in the press about the fact that they do not know how to separate units in two areas at the same time. That’s why they work off Petrovskoye on the seventh. And then they will do the same thing at Stanitsa Luganskaya.
Well. On the seventh we worked on Petrovskoye. We worked successfully, thank God.
At Stanitsa we fired a rocket; a white rocket signifies a ten-minute readiness to begin the disengagement of forces and assets.
There were no missiles from the Ukrainian side.
Through contacts in the JCCC and through contacts in the OSCE, we asked for confirmation of that side. That side confirmed: “We saw your missile, we will not separate forces and means.”
That's where we stopped. They gave us readiness for the eighth. It didn't happen.
They gave us readiness for the ninth. The date set by Ukraine. Again the same picture. There is a missile, everything is there, there is no readiness on the part of Ukraine.
During the controversy in Minsk, Ukraine also named the eleventh number. As an option.
Valentin Filippov : The eleventh has already happened.
Vladislav Deinego : Yes. They mentioned the eleventh as an option. When they were discussing Stanitsa. But they were so confident in pointing to the ninth that we were hoping for a ninth. It didn't happen.
On the eleventh the same picture.
Every day, practically.
Every day they gave notice of readiness to begin the disengagement of forces and equipment the next day.
On the XNUMXth, a message came from the OSCE - we would like to hold a video conference. I asked to schedule the conference so that it would not interfere with our efforts to disengage forces and assets. In the evening.
On the eleventh, Ukraine is not ready, Ukraine is not able, and so on.
We meet at a video conference, they start singing the same song: “They’re shooting, it’s scary.”
Here, somewhere, we heard something. And they bring to light the OSCE report, although they mixed up the date of this report, and they say that OSCE observers heard some explosions 16 kilometers away. And they appeal to the fact that this is the area of Stanitsa Luganskaya and this is a danger that does not allow breeding.
I ask the OSCE a question, can you specifically say who heard what? What kind of gaps? And at that time we had a confluence of several circumstances. There was an extensive thunderstorm during this period. This time. Secondly, we are conducting exercises.
As it turned out, a team of observers, being in a hotel in the city of Lugansk, that is, inside the building, heard some unidentified explosions of an uncertain nature.
Valentin Filippov : And not even that date….
Vladislav Deinego : They heard it on the night of the 5th to the 6th. Ukraine cited the 6th, but in reality it was the evening of the 5th. The OSCE report clearly states this. The 5th.
I ask a question to Mr. Apakan: - how do the OSCE observer team qualify these explosions, and, most importantly, what does the observer group, which is stationed around the clock at the OSCE forward base directly in Stanitsa, report about this period of time?
They live there at a distance of 800 meters from the bridge. From the central point around which the disengagement of forces is supposed to take place.
Valentin Filippov : Nobody heard anything there?
Vladislav Deinego : Well, Apakan didn't say so directly. Apakan began to evade a direct answer in every possible way. Finally, after several attempts, I managed to extract from him a promise to look into the situation and report back at the next meeting what really happened.
The situation is very funny.
What did these observers observe while sitting inside the building, and how did they determine the direction and distance? For me this is a dark forest. Moreover, they do not see obvious things, but, being incomprehensibly where, hearing incomprehensibly what, they draw such vivid conclusions.
There in the conclusions it is written: “approximately 16 kilometers from the location in the North-North-East direction.”
The direction is indicated exactly to the area of this bridge. But, again, 16 kilometers is our territory. This means they heard shelling from Ukraine on our territory.
Valentin Filippov : Well, what difference does it make? It's still dangerous.
Vladislav Deinego : No. The criteria are clearly defined. Based on OSCE reports and OSCE verification results. If the OSCE verifies a threat, we take it into account. If it doesn't verify it, sorry, there's no point in discussing it.
In this situation, the OSCE found itself in an excellent position. They did not confirm either the verification or the lack thereof.
Then we discuss the situation and force Ukraine, after all, to make some kind of statement. And Ukraine in its statement says: - yes, we are ready to withdraw forces and means on the thirteenth. We have been counting seven days since the sixth, and on the thirteenth they are ready to withdraw forces and resources.
I have very serious doubts that they will do anything on October 13th. ( Editor's note: On October 13th, Ukraine did indeed abandon the disengagement of forces and hardware .) Frankly, I don't understand who in Ukraine could possibly decide to do all this right now. For a very simple reason.
Mr. Eyraud, this is the head of the French diplomatic mission, during a visit to Kiev he said: “The first step is to separate forces and assets in three areas, now we have a third area, a stumbling block, after which Ukraine must accept the special status of Donbass.”
Valentin Filippov : That is, without breeding along the entire line?
Vladislav Deinego : The first step is disengagement at three polling stations, then "special status," then several more polling stations, and then the next steps. Moreover, "special status" implies a whole range of measures. First and foremost, this is the Law on Special Status. The second step is to legitimize this "special status" by amending the Constitution accordingly. Moreover, this special status must be permanent. Then we move on to discussing the elections and working on other polling stations.
That is, we are creating conditions for holding elections, in parallel with the disengagement of forces and assets in other areas. And then these steps are intertwined. To ensure security and to ensure the approach to a political resolution of the conflict.
This is precisely the logic of steps that Eiro prescribed for Ukraine. This was after consultations that took place in Kyiv with the participation of Steinmeier, and I don’t know who was there from Ukraine. Klimkin states that he was present at this conversation, and all this is not true.
Valentin Filippov : By the way, regarding Klimkin, when I listened to this interview…
Vladislav Deinego : It was a masterpiece.
Valentin Filippov : But the thing is, he's not the only one like that. They're all like that... I, for one, don't believe in Kyiv's ability to implement anything under the Minsk agreements. That gang, there's no point in negotiating with them. They always push their own agenda and pretend to be fools.
Vladislav Deinego : Well, the situation there is much more complicated. If they had their own way, if they had their own understanding… Here, the situation is a little different. They understand their own personal gain. Here, they are absolutely…
Valentin Filippov : They still have a certain style of behavior. They don't care about anyone, they do things their own way, and most importantly, they throw, throw, and throw.
Vladislav Deinego : Well, unfortunately, in today’s politics this is becoming…
Valentin Filippov : You're going to say what Washington will say to them... They'll screw Washington over, too. That's the feeling I have.
Vladislav Deinego : Exactly. That's exactly what I'm getting at. Hollande stated that Ukraine must implement the package of measures unconditionally, grant special status to Donbas, and there's no point in fussing about it. Two people responded to this: Poroshenko, and, most strikingly, Avakov. They said, "There's no need to tell us what we should or shouldn't do in this package of measures. We know everything better than anyone."
Those forecasts that you say that the States are not a decree, no one is a decree - yes, this is clearly manifested now in the fact that as soon as Europe, specifically Hollande, gives inconvenient recommendations, cries immediately begin about the fact that after “unacceptable statements by Eyraud”, here Hollande also points out that it is necessary to give a special status.
This is the reaction that came from Avakov. Mrs. Merkel tried to smooth out the situation and organized a meeting of the Normandy Four and invited all participants to dinner on October 19 in Berlin. And Poroshenko’s reaction immediately followed. Say, I won’t go to any dinner until Russia decides on its guarantees regarding the implementation of security measures by Russia. There will be no calendar plan for Russia yet for implementation.
Valentin Filippov : For Russia?
Vladislav Deinego : Yes. Security. Poroshenko doesn't want to participate in the Normandy Four meeting.
Valentin Filippov : Well, Russia. What kind of calendar could Russia possibly have?
Vladislav Deinego : That's the point! Poroshenko knows perfectly well what tasks he'll be tasked with there. And naturally, it will be Merkel and Hollande who will set those tasks. Because Putin is unlikely to actively pressure Kyiv in this context. Most likely, he'll simply be there, observing how pressure is exerted on Ukraine by his European partners. They've already seen the light to some extent and understand that now it's no longer about Ukraine's prospects and Poroshenko's fate, but about the fate of European countries.
The situation has gone far beyond the interests of Poroshenko and others who seized power in February 2014.
Therefore, this is exactly where this situation works.
Biden also had a hand in this process. He stated that Kyiv must comply with a set of measures. Biden has his own interest there. He outlined it very clearly. If Kyiv does not comply with something, then there is a reason to lift sanctions from Russia. God forbid Kyiv fails to fulfill its obligations, and the result of this will be the lifting of sanctions. It is the sanctions that scare him. Five European countries have stated that they are ready to consider lifting sanctions against the Russian Federation. Accordingly, America is worried about this aspect.
Everyone's personal interest lies on the surface.
Kyiv’s interest is in the fact that while this war drags on, a mill is working, which grinds the undesirables who are sent here, and makes it possible to grind budget funds and funds that come from voluntary sponsors.
Valentin Filippov : "War with Russia" is a business project. A state-building one.
Vladislav Deinego : Not a state. Wait, not a state!
Valentin Filippov : Well, that’s the kind of state it is…
Vladislav Deinego : Where is Yatsenyuk now? And what does the state have to do with this? Yatsenyuk earned his living by building a wall on the Russian border, and… where is the state?
Valentin Filippov : Well, a demo version of the Third Reich.
Vladislav Deinego : Yes. The state has absolutely nothing to do with it. There are only remnants of the state left, which are now trying to create a semblance of security. Putting a good face on a bad situation.
Valentin Filippov : They won't be allowed to disappear. They owe a lot. I'm talking about the state.
Vladislav Deinego : So, "they owe a lot" refers to the population of Ukraine. They will remain. No matter what happens, people will stay.
Valentin Filippov : Well, then they need some state that will declare itself the legal successor.
Vladislav Deinego : I think so….
Valentin Filippov : No! Tell me! Is the LPR ready to take on part of Ukraine's debt?
Vladislav Deinego : It depends on the type of relationship... If we're talking about the relationships that existed at the time of the breakup, then yes. We could talk about some kind of shared partnership here.
Valentin Filippov : Well, one twenty-sixth.
Vladislav Deinego : Shared liability for Ukraine's obligations. But a balanced approach is necessary. It's important to consider not only Ukraine's obligations to external creditors, but also to domestic ones. To those pensioners who weren't receiving their pensions. To those budgetary institutions that continued to operate and perform state functions in this territory without adequate funding. To those public infrastructure facilities that performed life-support tasks without the slightest funding at the time. And using only what arrived in the "white KAMAZ trucks" in any quantity—materials, fuel, and so on. This was the resource with which we met, albeit minimally, the needs of the public utilities sector.
Therefore, here we need to take an integrated approach, look, weigh. Apparently, some part of the obligations will have to be taken on.
Valentin Filippov : It's like that joke: "What do you care? You'd be sorry for five rubles if it all fell apart?" What I'm getting at is that we're currently very optimistically considering this scenario: Ukraine pulls itself together and says, "So what? Are we going to split up, guys? How much longer can this go on?"
Vladislav Deinego : No, no. Most likely, these obligations we're discussing, which hang over Ukraine like the Sword of Damocles, will be implemented through the division of what remains of Ukraine. Currently, one of the IMF's main conditions is the lifting of timber export quotas.
Valentin Filippov : The next demand will be to lift the ban on the export of organs for transplantation.
Vladislav Deinego : There's no ban on this. It works. It's fully operational. Here in the ATO zone, it's a common occurrence. We find bodies with removed organs in graves. It works, but it doesn't count toward Ukraine's obligations.
And this is how, let’s say, divide the lands. Counts in. Several countries are already vying for it. If earlier it was only Poland, now its neighbors have woken up in this regard. The removal of black soil is in full swing.
Chernozems are exported through the same Mariupol. The forest is being destroyed. Even with the quotas that the IMF is talking about and demanding that they be removed, nevertheless, here in the Kremennaya area, there is literally barbaric deforestation going on there. There is little left of the forests there. This is the northern region, which is now controlled by Kyiv.
What they did from the Carpathians has been known to everyone for a long time, the situation there is now getting worse. Apparently, this decision to suspend timber exports is an attempt to protect the Carpathians. But here, barbaric logging continues.
Valentin Filippov : It's a shame the Minsk agreements don't say they have to withdraw troops beyond the regional borders. And what worries me most is that if you do withdraw, they'll start occupying the "gray zones." Just like before. Simply by amassing a massive force and occupying, occupying, occupying space.
Vladislav Deinego : There is currently a disengagement of forces and resources in areas that technically there is no point in occupying.
Valentin Filippov : Well, on one it’s interesting if she doesn’t look away.
Vladislav Deinego : That's not why the village is interesting. There are slightly different motives there. First of all, it's a serious money-making trough. They take bribes there, and they take them in full. They earn enormous money there. There's a checkpoint there.
If you withdraw a unit, some other unit will appear there. It will take the bribe already.
Now there are terbats there, part of the territory is controlled by the battalions of the National Guard, part is controlled by the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Naturally, someone will want to redistribute this pie in their favor. This is one moment.
The second point is that after this disengagement is completed, political steps must be taken. And this is unrealistic for Ukraine now. To push “special status” through the Verkhovna Rada today means blowing up the situation in Kyiv.
Valentin Filippov : But, excuse me, well then tell me, what will happen? What is the purpose of all this?
As a journalist, I understand that if Kyiv was going to do something, push something else through the Verkhovna Rada, they would have started creating an information background. They would gradually begin to tell people in the news that it would be nice to prepare, in general, people. Prepare psychologically. Prepare the army psychologically. Prepare terbates psychologically.
But they don't cook. On the contrary, they whip up hysteria.
Vladislav Deinego : It's possible to create a background when there's a single center of influence that can manage the process. But there, it's like spiders in a jar, excuse me. There are constant attempts to push someone aside, undermine someone, discredit someone.
Let's try to understand, so to speak, the possibilities. The current ones who are in power now, they live as long as the war lasts. Therefore, it is obvious that they cannot decide to stop this war. Accordingly, they will never do this.
There are those who are trying to take advantage of this Minsk process, the fact that Ukraine was drawn into it, in order to accuse them of betrayal. The same “leaders” that are on both sides are trying to take advantage of this situation. To restore public opinion against those currently in power, in order to seize this power.
There is a majority of people in Ukraine who have simply abstracted themselves from all these circumstances; they are not shooting there. They shoot far enough away from them. Incidents that are the result of freely circulating weapons are concentrated mainly in some more or less large cities.
The majority, I estimate somewhere around 60-70 percent, are simply neutral about this situation.
They try to survive and not notice. These are the people who do not understand why this war is happening, or what is happening there, or who is dividing what there. And they are ready to wait for some time.
This time will end someday.
The communal war that goes on in parallel with this, that is, increasing pressure on utility bills, reducing the quality of these services, and so on. To the point that they have now said – why buy gas, switch to peat.
These are all masterpieces, they still reach ordinary residents of Ukraine. They hear it, they understand it, and they understand that this is absolutely not what the people wanted, who rose up against the arbitrariness of Yanukovych, who cherished the idea of the “Maidan” as an idea, and not as a tool for creating a hot spot in the South-East of Ukraine. There were also several motivating currents that led to all these events.
Valentin Filippov : I don’t think that there are that many participants in the “Maidan”.
Vladislav Deinego : No. The Maidan participants were very few in number. But there was systematic work there, funded by the State Department. I looked at the report that Congress reviewed, covering the 2004 work. It showed just over $50 million as "expenses for the development of democracy in Ukraine." This was systematic work that went into mobilizing the Maidan fighters, who actually took off in 2013.
Valentin Filippov : The US keeps saying: “If the Minsk agreements are not implemented, we will impose more sanctions on Russia!”
I keep hoping that when Russia says: “Okay, I’ll go now and do it.”
And they will go and sort things out with Poroshenko, with the Verkhovna Rada, with the Armed Forces of Ukraine group, and say: - that’s it! World! Not a single armed person on the Ukrainian side!
All. The issue is resolved.
Vladislav Deinego : Yes, it's an interesting option, of course. But it won't be implemented, unfortunately. This mess on the border with the Russian Federation wasn't started for the Russian Federation to just let it end so easily.
The tasks were somewhat different. The United States has accomplished one of its tasks. This is undermining the economy of Europe, undermining the economy of the European Union as such. It is now also bursting at the seams.
Valentin Filippov : And the undermining of the Russian economy.
Vladislav Deinego : Well, in relation to the Russian economy, it works much weaker here.
Import substitution works, this time. And, secondly, the Russian mentality is at work. I often visit the cities of the Russian Federation, they come up, people just stop me on the streets and say: “You hang in there, yes, it has become more difficult for us here, our dollar exchange rate has become more expensive, many products have become more expensive, yes, pensions have not increased, yes, everything has become It’s more difficult, but you hang in there, we are with you, we will endure everything.
That is, people treat this situation with understanding. People understand that we are one family. One whole. If one in the family suffers, everything is possible to eliminate this suffering.
Therefore, sanctions do not work here.
The sanctions were supposed to result in what? There is some kind of outrage in Russia. This outrage was anywhere but in Russia. It was in Turkey. In France it was, this is a consequence of these Mistrals. Almost throughout Europe, which supplied products here. The Baltics are just in a panic right now.
Valentin Filippov : In the Baltics, yes, it’s a nightmare.
Vladislav Deinego : On the brink of collapse. That's the consequence of sanctions. I don't see that in Russia. It objectively doesn't exist in Russia.
In Russia, sanctions work to develop import substitution and develop domestic resources. Just like we had the situation with the city of Pervomaisk. When Ukraine cut off gas to them, we had no choice but to supply gas from the other side. That's it, problem solved.
Russia is working off these sanctions in exactly the same way.
Valentin Filippov : I always hope that the entire Southeast has prospects – becoming constituent entities of the Russian Federation. We're not separating. We're joining.
Vladislav Deinego : Yes, yes. Kyiv Oblast, Eastern Federal District.
Valentin Filippov : I would like to wish you success on this long Minsk journey.
Vladislav Deinego : Well, for Ukraine, this is a respite. The respite they were counting on. They had no intention of implementing Minsk, so they signed the Minsk Agreements with only one goal in mind. Strengthening their armed forces. Knocking out, begging, and pleading for help from the West, the United States, and so on. In other words, it was purely a matter of buying time.
For us, Minsk means stopping, if possible, to the extent possible, shelling of populated areas, and preventing the death of civilians. First of all.
The tasks are completely different.
The minimum goal has, in principle, been achieved. We stopped attempts to advance Ukrainian troops. They have lost this factor. These occupied gray zones, well, this is a very clear illustration of the fact that Ukraine is moving away from its obligations and the Minsk process. A very serious touch in the assessment of Ukraine by European partners. Its negotiability and adequacy.
And this mass of small results that we manage to achieve, especially in those circumstances when Ukraine refuses its obligations, this, in fact, forms the image of the current Ukrainian government. From the point of view, first of all, of Germany and France, who are trying to be the link that connects Ukraine with Europe today. And this link is now becoming weaker and weaker. They are increasingly taking on the form of a neutral arbiter. And Ukraine is categorically not happy with this.
And, apparently, this is one of the reasons why Poroshenko now does not want to meet in the Normandy format. He understands that there, figuratively, he will be beaten.
Therefore, the tasks of Minsk can be assessed in absolutely different ways. And the process of completing Minsk, the process of making a decision that it is time to reconsider the canons of European, not even European, but World policy regarding the inviolability of borders. And this has already been said. The thesis is that, first of all, the evaluation criterion now should be the right of peoples to self-determination. And the responsibility of countries to their people for aggression shown by the state towards its people.
What does it say?
The fact of aggression is obvious to us, which means that our right to sovereignty is undeniable.
And this is a very serious by-product of Minsk.
Europe is shouting that we have an obligation to maintain the state within the borders of 1947, however, where is Yugoslavia? Where is Czechoslovakia? Such a redistribution of borders was carried out recklessly, but only in the interests of achieving the goals set by the United States.
Things happen here that the States don't like, but they exist.
And changing the assessment of what is happening is one of the results of Minsk.
The next result of Minsk, but here we need to look more broadly, this is not only Minsk, these are events in Syria, and the entire foreign policy of the Russian Federation, including in relation to Ukraine and Donbass, is a statement by a number of countries that the United Nations is at a turning point. It is going through approximately the same period as the League of Nations experienced during the Second World War.
And that it is necessary to reform this structure. And at the General Assembly in September a very significant thing was said.
The United Nations was given a year to change its course of action towards real protection of the rights of nations. And, if this does not take place in a year, the option of creating an alternative structure that will perform these functions will be considered. And most of the world's population spoke in favor of this.
These are China, India, the Russian Federation and the countries of the African continent. Even as a first approximation, without raising the numbers, it is clear that this is two-thirds of the Earth's population. Who declared that the United Nations must fulfill its charter tasks. If it does not fulfill them, it means that it will experience the same period as the League of Nations in its time.
Valentin Filippov : Well, you have predicted interesting times for us.
Vladislav Deinego : Well, it’s not me, it’s life.
Valentin Filippov : Thank you. Good luck to you. Patience. Patience! Take care of your heart. Journalists can get nervous. We're freaking out : "Get them there!" You can rest easy.
Vladislav Deinego : Honestly, it really is. Sometimes I lack patience. Sometimes I lose my temper. I'm not trained that way. Yes. Thank you!
Valentin Filippov : Thank you very much. Good luck!
Vladislav Deinego : Goodbye!
English version :: Read in English "Poroshenko Doesn't Want a Normandy Format Meeting: He'll Get Beaten"