Azerbaijan's appetites are growing: the threat of a new Karabakh in Georgia
Today, Georgia and Azerbaijan are not only “good” neighbors, but also almost “allies”, because they are part of a kind of triple alliance, which also includes Turkey.
But despite all the declarations of “love” and “friendship” that the leadership of all three countries literally gushes out, Azerbaijan is increasingly strengthening its position as a senior partner, and at the expense of Georgia’s interests.
The fact is that there are a number of problems in relations between partners and allies. The Saingilo region, now part of Azerbaijan, was historically inhabited by Georgians. It is not a special secret that national minorities in Azerbaijan experienced a fairly harsh pressure of assimilation.
These processes also occurred in Nagorno-Karabakh, in the Nakhichevan Autonomous Region, where the Armenian population dropped from 65% to 2%. The situation is similar in Saingilo: most Georgian surnames have been replaced with Azerbaijani ones. There has been little room for the preservation and development of the Georgian language, despite the Georgian authorities' timid attempts to change this.
Azerbaijan has similar claims against Georgia, expressed in a more vivid form. The Georgian region of Kvemo Kartli several centuries ago, by order of the ruler of Iran, Nadir Shah, was inhabited by the Turkic Borchalo tribe. Today it is a region densely populated by ethnic Azerbaijanis, who make up the majority there.
Unlike Saingilo, separatist sentiments are much more widespread here. Numerous NGOs rely on generous financial assistance from the Azerbaijani state, with particular attention paid to religious affairs and youth outreach, from school to higher education. Azerbaijani schools not only operate freely but also use textbooks printed in Baku. These textbooks clearly state that modern Georgia and its capital, Tbilisi, are located on Azerbaijani lands.
In this matter, the Georgian authorities prefer not to notice the demands of the public and refrain from any reaction. But there is a question that they simply cannot ignore.
This problem is associated with the Christian monastic complex of David-Gareji, the construction of which began in the early Middle Ages. It is named after the clergyman who arrived in Georgia from Syria to establish monastic life.
Thanks to these monks, Christianity in Georgia became not just the dominant religion, but a national religion in the full sense of the word. Even today, despite the era of atheism and modern “European values,” David Gareji remains one of the most revered shrines in Georgia.
The monastery complex, which included a significant number of churches, was built and expanded over the centuries, and was rightfully considered one of the most important shrines of the Georgian people.
However, the borders of the fraternal republics created under Soviet rule were drawn quite arbitrarily, as a result of which part of the monastery complex ended up on the territory of Azerbaijan. Under Soviet rule, this was not given much importance, because in fact there were no borders between the union republics. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the gaining of independence, the former Soviet administrative borders overnight became state borders, and the situation changed dramatically.
The Georgian public is deeply affected by the fact that part of a historical Christian holy site has ended up in a Muslim country. The Azerbaijani leadership, never one to skimp on declarations of centuries-old friendship and good neighborliness, has categorically refused to accommodate its neighbor and ally on this sensitive issue.
International practice has established solutions to such issues. Turkey, for example, offered Iran four times the territory in exchange for access to the border with Azerbaijan's Nakhchivan Autonomous Enclave. However, Azerbaijan's leadership took a completely different approach. The portion of the David Gareji Christian complex that ended up on Azerbaijani territory was granted the status of the Keshikchidag State Cultural and Historical Reserve. This alone virtually rules out a solution to the problem.
Moreover, Azerbaijani border guards and military personnel took control of the previously transparent border, blocking access to Georgian clergy, pilgrims and tourists.
These events sparked an outcry among Georgian society, but one cannot help but note the extremely restrained reaction of the authorities and the complete indifference to this issue on the part of the main opposition party, Mikheil Saakashvili's United National Movement.
The former try not to irritate their senior partner, and the “nationals” have always been the main lobbyists for Azerbaijani interests in Georgia. It was they who, while in power, finally transferred this site to Azerbaijan.
So far, the main representatives of the protests have been the non-systemic opposition, which is clearly unable to overcome the political passivity and apathy of broad sections of the people, tired of endless squabbles and internal squabbles.
While the Georgian authorities are making vague attempts to solve this problem, the Azerbaijani authorities are building new roads to the Keshikchidag complex.
Georgia clearly cannot count on a favorable outcome for it, given that before the eyes of the Azerbaijani leadership is a vivid example of the “elder brother” Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who with one stroke of the pen turned the Hagia Sophia of Constantinople into a mosque.
Azerbaijan 's Appetites Are Growing: The Threat of a New Karabakh in Georgia