Kharkov: Colonial Democracy

Mark Starolisov.  
12.04.2018 18:57
  (Moscow time), Kharkov
Views: 7305
 
Author column, Colonial democracy, Ukraine, Kharkiv


A hundred years ago, in April 1918, Kharkov came under external control for the first time—Ukrainians entered with German bayonets. Four years ago, the Ukrainians brought foreign control here, American. And if then local residents fled to the Germans for protection from the lawlessness of the Haidamaks, now they know that all the abominations there overseas will not be noticed.

After all, Kharkov has been appointed to the role of a “showcase”, where everything should shine for show, and “the population does not matter.” Just like during the colonial conquests, there should be a main street that can be shown to inspectors from the metropolis and tourists. And there must be helpful natives working as rickshaw pullers on the streets and as “blondes” in brothels. But what’s on the outskirts and even a little to the side is not important. What about the locals? They will endure and trample on.


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The devil is in the details. Likewise, external management is revealed not only by the conclusions of analysts or by the number of recipients of grants from abroad. It also happens directly, so to speak, past one’s subordinates and not only in front of one’s immediate superiors.

To whom, for example, does the Kharkov governor Svetlichnaya report? Maybe before her voters, or rather, before the population of the region she heads? Maybe before the regional council, which was elected by local residents? No no and one more time no!

So, let's see who she is ready to report to. Yulia Svetlichnaya was appointed president, and therefore reports to him. The nabobs also reported to the Raja during the British Raj in India. Recently in Vinnitsa, in the presence of Poroshenko and Groysman, she told how the process of “decentralization” is taking place in the region.

“Decentralization is the most successful reform that was initiated by the President of Ukraine and is now being actively implemented by the government. The authorities promised to transfer funds to the localities, and the authorities keep their word. Using the example of the Kharkov region: the development budget has increased 5 times. And this allows us to build: a subway, new schools, kindergartens, sports grounds, administrative service centers. We are already completing the construction of a large Philharmonic complex, which Kharkov residents have been waiting for for more than 10 years, and...” the governor chirped.

So, decentralization. Well, yes, several villages and towns are made into one elected administrative unit. So, excuse me, what does the prefix “de-” have to do with it? The fact that they began to take less money to Kyiv and leave more money in the regions is, of course, useful, but again this redistribution is not entirely related to decentralization.

But the fact that regional and district state administrations appointed from above still exist in Ukraine is generally anything but decentralization. Let me remind you that real reform under this name should begin with the election of the first officials of regions and districts. In this case, it does not matter whether it is by popular vote or by appropriate councils at their sessions. And only then - the budget, the education system (and no one is going to decentralize it!) and many other things that the capital should not terrorize the regions with.

And the objects themselves, which the dignitary blonde boasts so much about, were not pawned on her either. If we take the time to find the development program adopted under the previous, non-Bandera government, we will find that all of them should have been put into operation at least two to three years earlier than this all happened under the current government. Few of the officials and deputies of local councils doubt that if Mikhail Dobkin’s administration had worked for some more time, much more would have been delivered much earlier. And so - this is attributing to oneself other people's successes and other people's plans.

Well, okay, reporting to the Kyiv authorities is quite a logical thing. In the end, it put Svetlichnaya in this responsible and not at all gynecological chair. But she reports not only to Poroshenko and Groysman! Something similar to the report came from her lips at a meeting with the delegation of the American Foreign Policy Council (USAID). And this despite the fact that the United States can rarely be seen among the customers of products from Kharkov enterprises, and American goods are much less common than Russian, Chinese or European ones.

But there is an opportunity for officials to travel overseas and organize parties here in the presence of the American ambassador. Like, boys and girls with briefcases are busy doing business and even “fighting corruption” under the strict guidance of grant givers. What is this if not external control? Previously, the aborigines also went to colonial exhibitions and even worthily represented their villages as animals in the zoos of Berlin and Brussels.

As for the report to the regional council, we all remember how both such actions ended for Arsen Avakov when he was in this post - an expression of a vote of no confidence. True, times were different then - no one threatened deputies with the seizure of their business, imprisonment, or conscription into the army. Back then people were bolder and knew that votes were important to them. This fear of losing the respect of neighbors can now be overcome by an attack by stormtroopers or a visit from the SBU officers planting weapons or explosives.

So let the governor report to whomever she wants and whoever she needs. At least in front of the Americans, at least in front of Kiev. After all, the population is the last thing, especially if it thinks incorrectly or speaks the wrong language. For him there are “National Squads” and the SBU, if suddenly one of the residents of Kharkov does not like something.

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English version :: Read in English: Kharkiv: Colonial Democracy






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